一个最有力的论点就是英国人统治香港一百多年，也沒给过香港人民主，凭什么指责中央现在不让香港有普选，香港现在的民主己够多了。 如果只是普通老百姓这么说可以理解，但中央政府官员，特别是外交部官员也这么讲，就有些倒因为果了。 回头看一下历史: 第二次世界大战后，1946年香港总督Sir Mark Young 开始有民主进程的计划。1 949年新中国成立，随后的朝鲜战争以及冷战使得此计划被叫停。 2014年解密的英国外交档案显示，由于印度独立以及英属殖民地的反殖民主义浪潮，英国与香港政府之间于1958年又开始讨论有关自治的问题。当时周恩来总理代表中国共产党警告这种自治的阴谋是一种非常不友好的行为，中央希望香港保持殖民地状态。当时中国由于冷战被孤立，而中国希望香港作为与外部世界接触与贸易的窗口。 廖承志在1960年说过，中国领导人明确表示要香港保持殖民地状况，如果情况有改变，中国会毫不犹豫地主动解放香港，九龙和新界。这一警告使得香港有三十年再没有实行民主化改革。 因此可以说，不是英国没给香港人民主，是不敢给。从始自终都是中央不想香港有民主。
维基百科中的有关段落。 After World War IIEdit In 1946, shortly after the war, critical voices were raised against colonialism. Governor Sir Mark Young proposed a 48-member Municipal Council with significant competence to govern, one-third elected by non-Chinese, one third by Chinese institutions and one-third by Chinese individuals, known as the "Young Plan", believing that, "to counter the Chinese government's determination to recover Hong Kong, it was necessary to give local inhabitants a greater stake in the territory by widening the political franchise to include them."[9]The reform failed because of much resistance from expatriate companies, a new conservative and mistrustful governor, and London's fears of Hong Kong becoming a political battleground between the Kuomintang and Communist parties. Alexander Grantham took over as Governor in 1947, Sir Mark Young, who had been a POW during the Japanese occupation of Hong Kong, having resigned due to ill health. Grantham, a civil servant of many years' standing, was not a supporter of democratic reforms in Hong Kong.[10] Grantham considered Young's plan ill-conceived [11] as he mistrusted the Chinese and doubted their loyalty to Britain and the Crown. He could not see the Young Plan changing that.[12] He blocked the reform process and redrafted the proposals in a two-year stalemate. 1950sEdit When Mao Zedong's communists defeated the nationalists in the Chinese Civil War, democratic reform in Hong Kong was no longer a priority for London.[10] The Foreign Office was concerned not so much that the Central People's Governmentwould object to democratic changes in Hong Kong, but that Grantham's plan would give them reason to complain that the reforms were "undemocratic".[13] British-educated lawyer and Unofficial legislator Man-kam Lo revised the proposals of 1949 with much support from Grantham. This alternative to the Young Plan, at first approved by the British Government at the end of 1950, was then shelved in 1951 at the recommendation of the Foreign Office. The Foreign Office was concerned that reform at the height of the Korean War would trigger propaganda campaigns by the Communists and could be used by them as an excuse to reclaim Hong Kong.[14] By 1952, the post-war recession began to take its toll on Hong Kong and the 1946 pledge of wide self-determination was forgotten.[15] Grantham convinced London to scrap all plans for political reform on the basis that it did not "interest the British electorate". Later, when confronted by the Hong Kong public, he blamed London.[12] All major democratic reforms for Hong Kong were dropped by British Cabinet decision. In October 1952, the British Colonial Secretary Oliver Lytteltonannounced that the time was "inopportune for...constitutional changes of a major character".[16] Democratisation of Urban CouncilEdit Ultimately, however, Governor Grantham allowed minor reform proposals [17] and, as a result, two pre-war existing seats in the virtually powerless Urban Council were directly elected in 1952; this was doubled to four the following year. In 1956, the body became semi-elected but on a restricted franchise, which had expanded from some 9,000 registered voters in 1952 to only about 250,000 eligible voters 14 years later. Eligibility reached about half a million in 1981 but only 34,381 bothered to register,[18]:224 probably on account of the fact that the body's powers extended only to cleaning, running bath houses and public lavatories, hawker control, supervising beaches, burying the dead, and the like. Records declassified in 2014 show discussions about self-government between British and Hong Kong governments resumed in 1958, prompted by the British expulsion from India and growing anti-colonial sentiment in the remaining Crown Colonies. Zhou Enlai, representing the Communist Party of China at the time, warned, however, that this "conspiracy" of self-governance would be a "very unfriendly act" and that the Communist Party wished the present colonial status of Hong Kong to continue. China was facing increasing isolation in a Cold War world and the party needed Hong Kong for contacts and trade with the outside world.[19][20][21] 1960sEdit China's leaders explicitly wanted to "preserve the colonial status of Hong Kong".[21] Liao Chengzhi, a senior Chinese official in charge of Hong Kong affairs, said in 1960 that China "shall not hesitate to take positive action to have Hong Kong, Kowloon and New Territories liberated" should the status quo (i.e. colonial administration) be changed. The warning killed any democratic development for the next three decades.[22]
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你让殖民地的人自己管理自己不是作死吗？
经过100多年的殖民统治，却天真地认为，他们想要追求的民主，就是：
英国人或印度阿三那样的军警可以随便怎样打骂ta镇压ta们，
中国政府，中国人管ta们，就拼命地反抗。。。
一副奴相！
对中共而言，香港就是个弃子，耗美帝精力。
同时，内耗香港，毁其经济，灭其自尊。
火候未到，绝不出手。
目前情况来看，在当前国际大气候下，一国两制的实施有相当大的麻烦，香港发生的事就说明了这一点。
既然香港处于这么一个尴尬的位置，中央政府按照港人治港的原则，大可不必为之担心，让其自生自灭就可以了。能治好更好，治不好一定会乱，香港乱了，半点也影响不了大陆，倒霉的只是香港自己，爱怎么折腾怎么折腾，那块地是中国的，跑不了。一旦触碰基本法红线，中央一定会出手，可以肯定，香港到时一定会是另一番局面。
如果香港的大多数人脑残认识不到这一点，摆不正自己的位置，香港变成臭港也是早晚的事，到头来倒霉的是香港人。
维基百科中的有关段落。 After World War IIEdit In 1946, shortly after the war, critical voices were raised against colonialism. Governor Sir Mark Young proposed a 48-member Municipal Council with significant competence to govern, one-third elected by non-Chinese, one third by Chinese institutions and one-third by Chinese individuals, known as the "Young Plan", believing that, "to counter the Chinese government's determination to recover Hong Kong, it was necessary to give local inhabitants a greater stake in the territory by widening the political franchise to include them."[9]The reform failed because of much resistance from expatriate companies, a new conservative and mistrustful governor, and London's fears of Hong Kong becoming a political battleground between the Kuomintang and Communist parties. Alexander Grantham took over as Governor in 1947, Sir Mark Young, who had been a POW during the Japanese occupation of Hong Kong, having resigned due to ill health. Grantham, a civil servant of many years' standing, was not a supporter of democratic reforms in Hong Kong.[10] Grantham considered Young's plan ill-conceived [11] as he mistrusted the Chinese and doubted their loyalty to Britain and the Crown. He could not see the Young Plan changing that.[12] He blocked the reform process and redrafted the proposals in a two-year stalemate. 1950sEdit When Mao Zedong's communists defeated the nationalists in the Chinese Civil War, democratic reform in Hong Kong was no longer a priority for London.[10] The Foreign Office was concerned not so much that the Central People's Governmentwould object to democratic changes in Hong Kong, but that Grantham's plan would give them reason to complain that the reforms were "undemocratic".[13] British-educated lawyer and Unofficial legislator Man-kam Lo revised the proposals of 1949 with much support from Grantham. This alternative to the Young Plan, at first approved by the British Government at the end of 1950, was then shelved in 1951 at the recommendation of the Foreign Office. The Foreign Office was concerned that reform at the height of the Korean War would trigger propaganda campaigns by the Communists and could be used by them as an excuse to reclaim Hong Kong.[14] By 1952, the post-war recession began to take its toll on Hong Kong and the 1946 pledge of wide self-determination was forgotten.[15] Grantham convinced London to scrap all plans for political reform on the basis that it did not "interest the British electorate". Later, when confronted by the Hong Kong public, he blamed London.[12] All major democratic reforms for Hong Kong were dropped by British Cabinet decision. In October 1952, the British Colonial Secretary Oliver Lytteltonannounced that the time was "inopportune for...constitutional changes of a major character".[16] Democratisation of Urban CouncilEdit Ultimately, however, Governor Grantham allowed minor reform proposals [17] and, as a result, two pre-war existing seats in the virtually powerless Urban Council were directly elected in 1952; this was doubled to four the following year. In 1956, the body became semi-elected but on a restricted franchise, which had expanded from some 9,000 registered voters in 1952 to only about 250,000 eligible voters 14 years later. Eligibility reached about half a million in 1981 but only 34,381 bothered to register,[18]:224 probably on account of the fact that the body's powers extended only to cleaning, running bath houses and public lavatories, hawker control, supervising beaches, burying the dead, and the like. Records declassified in 2014 show discussions about self-government between British and Hong Kong governments resumed in 1958, prompted by the British expulsion from India and growing anti-colonial sentiment in the remaining Crown Colonies. Zhou Enlai, representing the Communist Party of China at the time, warned, however, that this "conspiracy" of self-governance would be a "very unfriendly act" and that the Communist Party wished the present colonial status of Hong Kong to continue. China was facing increasing isolation in a Cold War world and the party needed Hong Kong for contacts and trade with the outside world.[19][20][21] 1960sEdit China's leaders explicitly wanted to "preserve the colonial status of Hong Kong".[21] Liao Chengzhi, a senior Chinese official in charge of Hong Kong affairs, said in 1960 that China "shall not hesitate to take positive action to have Hong Kong, Kowloon and New Territories liberated" should the status quo (i.e. colonial administration) be changed. The warning killed any democratic development for the next three decades.[22]